Wednesday, August 27, 2008

Clinton to Supporters, Press: Stop the Drama, Vote Obama!


'Barack Obama Is My Candidate'

Clinton Urges Support, Calls for Party Unity

By Dan Balz
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, August 27, 2008; A01

DENVER, Aug. 26 -- Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton roused the Democratic National Convention on Tuesday night with sharp criticism of Sen. John McCain and a full-throated endorsement of Sen. Barack Obama, her former rival for the party's nomination, urging Democrats to put the long and bitter battle behind them and unite to take back the White House in November.

"You haven't worked so hard over the last 18 months, or endured the last eight years, to suffer through more failed leadership," Clinton told an audience packed to overflowing at Denver's Pepsi Center. "No way. No how. No McCain. Barack Obama is my candidate. And he must be our president."

With some Clinton supporters still voicing reluctance to back the senator from Illinois, the former first lady's address was the most highly anticipated of the convention, short of Obama's acceptance speech on Thursday night. Her appearance was designed to signal the final transition from leader of her own historic campaign, which drew 18 million votes and pushed Obama to the limit, to unabashed supporter of the party's presumptive nominee.

Introduced as "my hero" by her daughter, Chelsea, Clinton received a thunderous welcome when she walked onstage to a sea of white placards with her familiar "Hillary" signature in blue. Before her entrance, delegates watched a video, narrated by her daughter, that not only paid tribute to her campaign but also gently mocked her well-known laugh and her inability to carry a tune.

Clinton described the passions that drove her to seek the presidency, including a desire to rebuild the economy, enact universal health care, end the war in Iraq and stand up for what she called "invisible" Americans. "Those are the reasons I ran for president. These are the reasons I support Barack Obama. And those are the reasons you should, too," she told an audience that included her husband, former president Bill Clinton, and Obama's running mate, Sen. Joseph R. Biden Jr. (Del.).

When she finished, the white placards that had greeted her gave way to narrow blue-and-white signs that said "Obama" on one side and "Unity" on the other, as well as signs that said "Hillary" and "Unity."

Clinton called McCain "a colleague and a friend who has served his country with honor." But she told the delegates, "We don't need four more years of the last eight years," and she drew a huge cheer when she described McCain as a virtual clone of President Bush who would continue the administration's policies.

"It makes sense that George Bush and John McCain will be together next week in the Twin Cities," she said, referring to the site of the Republican National Convention in Minnesota. "Because these days, they're awfully hard to tell apart."

Obama aides said he called Clinton after watching her speech at a house in Billings, Mont., and thanked her for her support. He also called Bill Clinton and congratulated him on his wife's performance.

Before Hillary Clinton arrived at the convention, former Virginia governor Mark Warner, delivering the keynote address, described Obama as the candidate best equipped to put the United States on course to win "the race for the future" in an increasingly competitive global economy.

Arguing that the status quo "just won't cut it," Warner said McCain would explode the deficit, ignore the nation's infrastructure needs and continue spending $10 billion a month on the Iraq war. "That's four more years that we just can't afford," he said to cheers. "Barack Obama has a different vision and a different plan."

The election, Warner said, is about not left vs. right but future vs. past. He said Obama would not govern as a partisan Democrat but would reach out to the opposition to get things done. "We need leaders who will appeal to us not as Republicans or Democrats but first and foremost as Americans," he said.

As convention delegates looked toward the evening program, top Democratic elected officials continued to raise questions about Obama's campaign strategy and worried aloud that he must do more to overcome the doubts that voters in their states have about his readiness to be president. Their concerns came as McCain blasted Obama in a speech to the American Legion convention in Phoenix.

Pennsylvania Gov. Edward G. Rendell, a prominent Clinton supporter, said that Obama is still struggling to connect with working-class voters and that the presumptive nominee reminded him of Adlai Stevenson, the brainy Illinoisan who lost the presidential campaigns of 1952 and 1956.

"You ask him a question, and he gives you a six-minute answer," Rendell told Washington Post reporters and editors. "And the six-minute answer is smart as all get-out. It's intellectual. It's well framed. It takes care of all the contingencies. But it's a lousy sound bite."

Sen. Charles E. Schumer (N.Y.) said Obama's campaign must demonstrate its willingness to engage against a Republican Party that he said is well skilled in political combat.

"The only thing they're going to do is, in old Brooklyn terms, rabbit-punch every day, and Obama has to show the American people that he can rabbit-punch, that he can be in that street fight," he told The Post. "I think there was a reluctance initially in the Obama campaign to engage in that. I think they now realize they have to."

If Monday night's convention program lacked a fighting spirit, Obama brought his to the campaign trail on Tuesday -- fiercely laying out the case for his candidacy and the contrast with McCain. Obama even mentioned McCain's prisoner-of-war status in Vietnam in a way that suggested he will begin to challenge that as a credential for being president.

"John McCain has a great biography, has been a POW," Obama told a small group gathered at an aircraft maintenance facility in Kansas City, Mo. "I have a funny name." He said the Republicans are arguing "that you don't know whether I can be trusted to lead."

"But I'm just going to remind everyone here: This election is not about me," he said. "It's about you. It's about who's going to be fighting for you."

McCain, meanwhile, continued to pound away at Obama in his speech to the American Legion. He accused the senator from Illinois of failing to stand up to criticism of the United States elsewhere in the world and ridiculed his rival's words during a speech in Berlin last month, in which Obama said "the world stands as one" as it looks to the future.

"The Cold War ended not because the world stood 'as one' but because the great democracies came together, bound together by sustained and decisive American leadership," McCain said.

That Republican effort continued with a new McCain ad that uses Clinton's words about her rival during the Democratic primary campaign in an ad about a 3 a.m. phone call to the White House: "I know Senator McCain has a lifetime of experience that he will bring to the White House. And Senator Obama has a speech he gave in 2002." A narrator in the McCain ad continues: "Hillary's right. John McCain for president."

And even after Clinton's speech Tuesday night, McCain's campaign made it clear that it would not hesitate to continue invoking her rhetoric from the primary season.

"Senator Clinton ran her presidential campaign making clear that Barack Obama is not prepared to lead as commander in chief," McCain spokesman Tucker Bounds said. "Nowhere tonight did she alter that assessment. Nowhere tonight did she say that Barack Obama is ready to lead. Millions of Hillary Clinton supporters and millions of Americans remain concerned about whether Barack Obama is ready to be president."

As Democrats looked to day two of their convention, they were still debating what had happened on opening night. An ailing Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (Mass.) electrified the crowd with a speech urging the party to rally behind Obama, and the candidate's wife, Michelle, in the final speech of the night, made a powerful case that her husband's biography and values are widely shared by the American people.

But the general absence of criticism of McCain or Bush left some Democrats wondering whether they had sacrificed an opportunity to fire back at Republicans at a moment when one of the largest audiences of the campaign may be tuning in.

Obama officials defended the scripting of Monday's program as necessary to begin filling in Obama's profile but said that as the week goes forward, the GOP will receive plenty of tough criticism.

In contrast to Monday's opening program, Tuesday's speakers criticized McCain and Bush. Democrats cast McCain as a clone of the president, out of touch with the lives of ordinary Americans and an advocate of economic policies that would widen the income gap between rich and poor.

Kansas Gov. Kathleen Sebelius, in whose state Obama's mother was born, called McCain a candidate who "believes in country-club economics," who would privatize Social Security, and who has supported tax breaks for companies that ship jobs overseas.

She also mocked McCain for the number of houses that he and his wife, Cindy, own. "Barack Obama has a plan to save the dream of homeownership for families who've lost their homes or fear they can never afford one -- unlike John McCain, who has so many he can't keep track of them all," she said.

Rendell, whose unscripted remarks earlier Tuesday may have created some heartburn for the Obama team, was fully on script when he appeared onstage in Denver, attacking McCain on energy policy.

"If you look past the speeches to his record, it's clear: John McCain has never believed in renewable energy, and he won't make it part of America's future," Rendell said. "For all his talk, here's the truth: John McCain voted against establishing a national renewable-energy standard. He voted against tax incentives for renewable-energy companies. And for all his talk of drilling, he refused to endorse a bipartisan effort to expand domestic oil production because that bipartisan proposal would end tax breaks for Big Oil."

The night's speakers also included Sen. Robert P. Casey Jr. (Pa.), a prominent Obama supporter during the Democratic primaries. Sixteen years ago, his father, then governor of Pennsylvania, was denied a speaking slot in part because he opposed abortion rights.

"Barack Obama and I have an honest disagreement over the issue of abortion," Casey said Tuesday night. "But the fact that I'm speaking here tonight is testament to Barack's ability to show respect for the views of people who may disagree with him."

Staff writers Shailagh Murray in Denver, Anne E. Kornblut with Obama and Michael D. Shear with McCain contributed to this report.

Shame, shame, shame Mr. McCain, on your use of Senator Clinton to try to divide the Democratic Party. A tireless warrior for average working Americans is being used against her will to forward a message that she obviously disdains. Is it because she is a woman that you feel so free to use her like a piece of bubble gum to try to stick together your broken message? You are a sad little old man with nothing to offer anyone who isn't as afraid of the world as you are.

McCain using Hillary
Since John McCain and the republican party have such a friendly relationship with the Clintons lately; he should put Hillary on his ticket!

The GOP have become very good at manipulating the gullible people of this country, and so far, their campaign exploiting Hillary is working. If McCain can get all of those "18 million" voters on his side that voted for Hillary; he can win easily, right? Since all of her followers say they'll vote for McCain; he could 'seal the deal' by naming her as his VP!!!!! She still has a chance!!! Show your support for Hillary!
Let John McCain know; go to johnmccain.com

(oh that's right, he doesn't know how to use a computer, sorry.........)

It happens all the time, people have their favorites; like on American Idol, as soon as their pick loses; they come up with some kind of controversy as the reason why their pick lost; it's never "fair and square" to the loser.

So now what? Do we stop watching? Stop following the game? Stop participating?

NO! Because this presidential election is NOT a GAME; it is our future and we have to choose our next leader.

Do we want more of the same from the War hero that left his first wife for the (almost half his age) millionaire Cindy, the one who saber rattles ANY country that's in the news?

McCain & the Republican party are USING Hillary; her along with her "die-hards" have become enablers and are doing NOTHING to stop it!!!!!!!

..........Don't be an enabler~ don't allow yourself to be used!

Hillary Clinton: Right-Wing Darling?

by Matt Stearns

WASHINGTON -- Since when is Hillary Clinton the pin-up gal of conservative pundits?0728 01

After Clinton delivered a foreign-policy cold-cock to Barack Obama's head during a Democratic presidential debate on Tuesday:

  • Fred Barnes of The Weekly Standard, a neo-conservative weekly, wrote that she delivered her answer to the now-famous "would-you-meet-with-despots" question "firmly and coolly."
  • Rich Lowry of National Review, a conservative weekly, gushed like a schoolboy with a new crush: "She excels . . . Clinton has run a nearly flawless campaign and has done more than any other Democrat to show she's ready to be president."
  • David Brooks, the conservative columnist at The New York Times, wrote that Clinton "seems to offer the perfect combination of experience and change" and said she's changing perceptions in a way that may persuade voters to give her a second look.
  • Charles Krauthammer, the conservative columnist of The Washington Post, summed up the Clinton-Obama smackdown: "The grizzled veteran showed up the clueless rookie."

All this from members of a crowd that's spent the better part of two decades demonizing Clinton and her husband, former President Bill Clinton.

Is the conservative chattering class just hedging its bets, wary that Clinton might win the White House and banish them all?

Or is it a set-up: The vast right-wing conspiracy pumping up the polarizing candidate they really want to face in the general election?

Naturally, no one in politics wants to talk about that with their names attached, lest they alienate people whose favor they need. But here's what some political strategists said when given anonymity:

"Absolutely," said one Democrat, citing Clinton's high unfavorable ratings (42 percent in a recent New York Times/CBS News poll, twice Obama's 21 percent). "Look at Fox News. They play her up all the time. Image-wise, they think she's the one Democrat they can beat right now."

"A plausible theory," said a Republican strategist with a top-tier GOP candidate. "Hillary Clinton is our best shot to win the White House. That's pretty much consensus by Republican insiders. It's a really crappy environment for us right now. What she does, and what Obama doesn't do yet, is single-handedly solve our base problems. Because of who she is."

Others laugh off the "set up Hillary" theory.

"The vast conspiracy is not that well organized," said John Hinderaker, co-founder of Power Line, a popular conservative blog. "We couldn't pull that off if we tried."

Conservative admiration for Clinton - on the foreign-policy debate question specifically and the way she's running her campaign generally - is real, said Hinderaker, who added that he thought she'd be a tougher opponent for Republicans than the less-experienced Obama or the smooth former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards.

Could the plaudits of the right hurt Clinton with the left-ish voters who dominate the Democratic primaries? That's clearly what Obama thinks, as he mocks Clinton's position as "Bush-Cheney lite."

The question, briefly, was whether a new president should meet with anti-American leaders without pre-conditions in his or her first year in office.

Obama said sure. Hillary said not without preliminary diplomacy to avoid getting used in a propaganda trap. They've been sniping at each other about it ever since. She said he's naive. He said her position of not talking to bad guys sounds like Bush, and of course he'd do some preliminary diplomacy, too.

This 60-second sound bite's not much of a way to choose a president, to be sure, but it's the closest the two Democratic frontrunners have come so far to taking each other on frontally, so politicos are feasting on it.

The Clinton camp believes it won the weeklong spat. Her supporters aren't concerned about liberals being upset by conservatives' praise for Clinton, pointing out that many - though not all - on the left also say that Clinton's debate answer was better than Obama's.

Edwards, running to the populist left of both Clinton and Obama, said at the debate that he agreed with Clinton. And in The Nation, a liberal weekly, David Corn wrote that, "this moment illustrated perhaps the top peril for the Obama campaign: with this post-9/11 presidential contest, to a large degree, a question of who should be the next commander in chief, any misstep related to foreign policy is a big deal for a candidate who has little experience in national security matters."

If Clinton can get the National Review and The Nation to agree that she won a debate, maybe diplomacy is her strength

A Chronology: Key Moments In The Clinton-Lewinsky Saga

Myth: Ken Starr's investigation was ethical and fair.

Fact: Ken Starr's investigation was filled with conflicts of interests, illegalities and improprieties.



Summary


Ken Starr's investigation was not independent, but heavily based in right-wing politics, replete with conflicts of interest, illegal leaks, perjury traps, overzealous prosecution, and ties to Richard Mellon Scaife, the billionaire funding the scandals.



Below are 68 reasons why you should not trust Kenneth Starr or his investigation: (1)

Improprieties in gaining the office of independent counsel:

1. Starr was appointed by conservative judge David Sentelle's panel immediately after Sentelle had a lunch with Jesse Helms and Lauch Faircloth, North Carolina's right-wing, Clinton-hating senators.
2. Judge Sentelle's wife went to work for Senator Faircloth's office five months after Starr's appointment.
3. When the Justice Department considered Ken Starr for Independent Prosecutor, Starr failed to admit numerous conflicts of interest.

Conflicts of interest:

4. Before his appointment, Starr wrote a friend-of-the-court brief about Paula Jones for the Supreme Court.
5. Starr wrote a friend-of-the-court brief on behalf of the Republican National Committee for Bush attorney general Richard Thornborough.
6. Starr maintained his million-dollar-a-year private law practice while working as independent counsel.
7. Starr represented Big Tobacco while working as independent counsel; Bill Clinton is Big Tobacco's number one enemy.
8. Starr's law firm, Kirkland & Ellis, was being sued by the Resolution Trust Corporation while Starr investigated the RTC.
9. Starr represented International Paper, which had sold land to the Whitewater Development Company.
10. Starr sits on the board of the conservative Washington Legal Foundation, funded by Big Tobacco.
11. Starr sought out a book deal with Newt Gingrich's agent, Lunn Chu.
12. Starr has ties to right-wingers James Moody and George Conway, the Jones/Tripp lawyers.
13. Starr was forced by Associate Attorney General Webb Hubbell to stop representing Bell Atlantic; later, Starr got even by prosecuting Hubbell into oblivion.

Illegalities and ethical lapses in the investigation:

14. Starr leaks like a sieve, contrary to the law preventing him from disclosing information to the press.
15. Starr contributed to a New York Times Magazine article to promote his investigation.
16. Starr wired Linda Tripp before asking for authority to pursue those allegations.
17. Starr pressured Lewinsky to wear a wire before asking for authority to pursue further allegations.
18. Starr's only key Whitewater witness, David Hale, is reported to have been paid by Richard Mellon Scaife, who is funding the Clinton scandals.
19. Starr's only key Whitewater witness, David Hale, is a proven liar.
20. Starr's own investigation gave David Hale more than $60,000 for living expenses.
21. Starr's Whitewater state trooper witnesses were paid by Jerry Falwell.
22. Someone at Starr's private law firm, Kirkland & Ellis, faxed an affidavit from the Jones case to the Chicago Tribune before it was filed in court.
23. Starr's star "witness," Linda Tripp, worked simultaneously with Starr's and Jones's lawyers.
24. Starr had gained detailed knowledge of Monica Lewinsky's sealed deposition in the Jones suit within hours of its completion.
25. Starr appears to have set a "perjury trap" for Clinton.
26. Apparently for political reasons, Starr withheld his report clearing Clinton on Vince Foster's suicide until after the 1996 elections.
27. Apparently for political reasons, Starr withheld his exoneration of Clinton on Travelgate, Filegate and Whitewater until after the 1998 elections.
28. Apparently for political reasons, the Starr Report, complete with pornographic details, was released to Congress and the public just a month before the 1998 elections.

Overzealousness of prosecution:

29. Starr held Monica Lewinsky without a lawyer for eight or nine hours. (She was technically free to go, but coerced psychologically with threats of 27-year prison sentences.)
30. Starr tried to force Marcia Lewis, Lewinksy's mother, to testify against her. (She became ill as a result.)
31. Starr's investigators were bearing guns when they interrogated Lewinksy's brother.
32. Starr tried to pressure Whitewater witness Steve Smith to testify falsely, according to Smith.
33. Starr threatened Whitewater witness Sarah Hawkins with indictment without any evidence of wrong-doing.
34. Starr subpoenaed a sixteen-year old boy at his school to intimidate him.
35. Starr subpoenaed Robert Weiner for making a phone call from his home.
36. Starr kept Susan McDougal locked in jail for eighteen months and tried to get her to testify to an imaginary affair.
37. Starr subpoenaed White House aide Sidney Blumenthal for talking with the press about his investigation.
38. Starr subpoenaed a Little Rock home decorating store where Webster Hubbell shopped.
39. Starr subpoenaed bookstores where Monica Lewinsky shopped, trying to learn her reading habits.
40. Starr has subpoenaed Secret Service agents to testify against the president.
41. Starr tried to dig up dirt on the president's sex life long before the Monica Lewinsky allegations.
42. Starr's investigators harrassed White House Interior Department liaison Bob Hattoy about recruiting gay people to work in the Clinton Administration.
43. Starr's lieutenant Michael Emmick is a notoriously vicious prosecutor.
44. Starr's lieutenant Hickman Ewing is also a notoriously vicious prosecutor.
45. Starr's lieutenant Bruce Udolf violated someone's civil rights with his prosecutorial excess.
46. Starr's lieutenant Jackie Bennett says he "didn't know" Mickey Kantor was the President's personal attorney.
47. Starr has maintained both Washington D.C. and Virginia Grand Juries, so that he can berate black witnesses in front of a white jury.
48. Starr has tried to breach the attorney-client privilege of Vince Foster, Monica Lewinsky and President Clinton.

Starr's far-right activism and bias (which prevent him from being an independent counsel, unlike his predecessor, the moderate and ideal Robert Fiske):

49. Starr considered running for a Republican Senate nomination in Virginia.
50. Starr was co-chairman of an unsuccessful Republican congressional campaign (Kyle McSlarrow, 1994).
51. Starr pushed a Whitewater story as a member of the ABA Journal editorial board.
52. Starr contributed $5,475 to Republican political candidates in the 1993-94 election cycle.
53. Starr contributed $1,750 to a political action committee gave money to 1995-96 GOP presidential candidates.
54. Starr, according to journalist David Brock, is a mainstay at right-wing parties.
55. Starr appeared on radio programs to speak in support of Paula Jones's case against the president.

Starr's connections to Richard Mellon Scaife and other Clinton-haters financing the scandals:

56. Star accepted a Scaife-funded tenured chair at Pepperdine University. (The ensuing scandal caused him to reject it.)
57. Starr sits on the board of the Scaife-funded Washington Legal Foundation.
58. Starr has done work for the Scaife-founded Landmark Legal Foundation, which has done work for Paula Jones.
59. Starr prepared a legal brief for Paula Jones on behalf of the Independent Women’s Forum, which is Scaife-financed.
60. Starr spoke at the Richard Mellon Scaife-funded Property Rights Group while working as independent counsel.
61. Starr spoke at right-wing televangelist Pat Robertson's Regent University while working as independent counsel.
62. Starr performed legal work for the conservative Bradley Foundation.

Other Starr fumbles:

63. Starr has spent nearly $40 million to smear the president and has found no evidence of wrong-doing anywhere, except for the cover-up of a sexual affair.
64. Starr has described no fewer than ten "critical stages" of his Whitewater investigation that never amounted to anything.
65. Starr resigned before completion of his Whitewater probe, only to come back after intense right-wing pressure.
66. Starr himself has admitted that he has exercised bad judgment.
67. Starr has been accused of shielding perjury in a General Motors case.
68. When Starr appeared before the House Judicial committee, he answered at least 30 times with statements like "I can't recall…" "I don't remember…" even for momentous events like when he learned about the Tripp tapes.

Return to Overview

Endnotes:

1. Sixty of these points are taken from James Carville, "Sixty Reasons Why I Don't Trust Ken Starr's Investigation," ...And the Horse He Rode In On (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998), pp. 143-147.

Fired Up

Tuesday, August 26, 2008

Obama
Larry W. Smith / EPA
Sen. Barack Obama speaks to supporters in a plane hanger during in Kansas City, Missouri today.
The Democratic candidate campaigns in Missouri as supporters in Denver prepare for a second day of convention activities. A new McCain TV ad quotes Hillary Clinton's previous criticism of Obama.
By Michael Finnegan and Johanna Neuman, Los Angeles Times Staff Writers
11:23 AM PDT, August 26, 2008
KANSAS CITY, MO. -- Democrat Barack Obama, focusing on the economy during a campaign stop at an airplane plant, said today that Republican rival John McCain was "out of touch" with voters on checkbook issues.

"If you didn't know how many homes you have, no wonder you think the economy is sound," Obama said, referring to McCain's recent confusion about how many houses he and his wife, Cindy, own. "I don't think he gets it. He is out of touch. I don't think he realizes what ordinary Americans are going through. I don't think the Bush administration realizes what ordinary Americans are going through."

"We need American taxpayer money rebuilding America and putting people back to work," Obama said.

Back in Denver, during the second day of the Democratic National Convention, the economy was also the focus for Obama's wife, Michelle, and his designated vice presidential candidate, Sen. Joe Biden of Delaware, at a round-table discussion on the challenges faced by women and families.

"As president, Barack is determined to change Washington so that instead of just talking about family values, we actually have policies that value families," Michelle Obama said.

As Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton prepared to rally her forces to Obama's cause at tonight's convention session, Republicans attempted to exploit the tensions between the two Democratic candidates.

In a new TV ad, McCain reprised the Clinton primary campaign commercial that showed sleeping children and a phone ringing at 3 a.m. Called "Was She Right?" the ad quotes Clinton as saying that McCain "has a lifetime of experience that he will bring to the White House -- and Sen. Obama has a speech he gave in 2002."

Clinton has disavowed such attacks, telling delegates from her home state of New York on Monday, "I'm Hillary Clinton and I do not approve that message." But some of her supporters, angered that Obama did not select the senator and former first lady as his running mate, have vowed to vote for her during Wednesday night's roll call balloting -- even though she has released them to vote for Obama.

Former Virginia Gov. Mark Warner, who will give the keynote address tonight, is already taking heat from some critics. Warner, who is running for the Senate, plans to urge more bipartisanship. But Paul Begala, a Democratic strategist and former Clinton advisor, urged a tougher line. "This isn't the Richmond Chamber of Commerce," he said this morning on CNN.

michael.finnegan@latimes.com

johanna.neuman@latimes.com

Finnegan reported from Kansas City, Neuman from Washington, D.C.

TOP OF THE TICKET


Andrew Malcolm, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
DENVER -- More details emerging from Denver as we write this in the predawn hours on the now suspected plot to assassinate Democratic presidential nominee Barack Obama with a high-powered rifle on national television during his outdoor acceptance speech at Invesco Field Thursday night.

Authorities have reported a fourth arrest in the unfolding plot that The Ticket first wrote about here a few hours ago at the end of Monday night's Democratic National Convention events at the Pepsi Center.

Tharin Gartrell, a convicted felon, one of four arrested in Denver in a reported plot to assassinate Senator Barack Obama on national TV during his nomination acceptance speech at Invesco Field Thursday night

We knew then that authorities in suburban Aurora had stopped a pickup truck for swerving between lanes early Sunday morning in what they thought was a routine drunk driving incident.

But in the rented vehicle of Tharin Gartrell, a 28-year-old convicted felon, they found two high-powered scoped rifles, ammunition, sighting scopes, radios, a cellphone, a bulletproof vest, wigs, drugs and fake IDs.

According to Brian Masss of Denver's KCNC Channel 4, under questioning Gartrell implicated two other men -- Nathan Johnson, who is 32, and Shawn Adolph, who is 33 -- and Johnson's girlfriend, Natasha Gromack. Johnson also reportedly confirmed the plot to FBI and Secret Service interrogators.

One of the men, Adolph, reportedly wore a ring with the Nazi swastika. He was injured when he jumped out of a hotel window fleeing Secret Service agents. All are now in custody on drug and weapons charges.

The U.S. Atty. Troy Eid declined to elaborate on Monday but said there is no credible threat to the party's convention or to the freshman Illinois senator, who was campaigning in Kansas City Monday and traveling to Montana today.

But the television station reports that under questioning the men admitted there was indeed a plot to kill Obama during his speech before some 70,000 supporters and a nationwide television audience.

More details are expected to emerge later today when Eid holds a news conference at 4 p.m. Denver time.

--Andrew Malcolm



McCain's Judgment: Equal To Bush's

The clearest indication I have seen to prove that voting for McCain is the equivalent of voting for a third Bush administration is this video from the Larry King Show in 2001 that The Jed Report has put out on the web:

If this is how McCain thinks, then his judgment is certainly questionable.

We know McCain's solution to the Georgia/Russia situation is to threaten military action; we know that McCain is in favor of military action on Iran; we know that McCain was ready to go to war with Iraq before George Bush did after 9/11 (Richard Clarke, at that time the White House's adviser, has confirmed that in recent comments). That he could keep us in a military involvement for "100 years" in Iraq is a stated fact.

McCain's campaign stresses his foreign policy experience, yet I question whether he has learned anything from America's foreign policy during the time of his service in Congress. We know he could visit Iraq and then report that Petraeus can travel through Baghdad in an unarmored vehicle (not true, of course); We know he confused the Iranians with Al Qu'ida; we know he has publicly made misstatement after misstatement on television and at his "town hall" staged events without being seriously called on them my the mass media. Indeed, if not for the progressive blogosphere he would not be called on these things to any great degree by anyone.

It has been noted on some blogs within the last few days that Obama is becoming more aggressive, and that is a good thing. Politeness and respect toward a POW and fellow Senator has not paid off, and McCain, who once claimed to be running a campaign based on integrity and discussion of the issues, has based his recent efforts on lies and racial insinuations, soft-couched in the repeated phrase "my friends"(which now makes my stomach curdle when I hear it!).

Now we approach the conventions and the final months of the campaign and the race is a tight one. It shouldn't be. We should be sitting here billions of dollars in debt with at least two wars going on and with housing starts at an all-time low and unemployment at an all-time high, eager to elect an exciting, honest, and experienced young executive (judging from CNN's biography of Obama's Chicago experience broadcast last night) to the post of President of the United States.

And we should clearly reject McCain for the most obvious of reasons: he's just not worth it.

How Bush Destroyed the Republican Party

A president driven by ideology. A Congress rife with corruption. A political party hellbent on a "permanent majority." A leading scholar examines the radicals who hijacked the GOP — and wrecked the longest conservative ascendancy in American history

SEAN WILENTZ

Posted Sep 04, 2008 1:45 PM

Video: Five Ways Bush Sunk the GOP

The failure of the administration of George W. Bush — and the accompanying crisis of the Republican Party — has caused a political meltdown of historic proportions. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, Bush enjoyed the greatest popularity ever recorded for a modern American president. Republicans on Capitol Hill, under the iron rule of House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, fattened their coffers through a fearsome operation overseen by corporate lobbyists and GOP henchmen that functioned more like an empire than an old-fashioned political machine. "Republican hegemony," the prominent conservative commentator Fred Barnes rejoiced in 2004, "is now expected to last for years, maybe decades."

Now, only four years later, Bush is leaving office with the longest sustained period of public disapproval ever recorded. No president, at least in modern times — and certainly no two-term president — has risen so high only to fall so low. Indeed, Bush's standings in the polls describe one of the most spectacular flameouts in the history of the American presidency — second only, perhaps, to that of Richard Nixon, the only president ever forced to resign from office. And in Congress, the indictment and downfall of DeLay and a host of associated scandals involving, among others, the Republican superlobbyist Jack Abramoff, have badly damaged the party's image. The supremacy of the GOP, once envisioned by party operatives as a "permanent majority," may be gone for a very long time to come.

At first glance, the collapse of the Republican Party seems rapid and unexpected. When viewed within the larger context of American history, however, the party's breakdown looks familiar, even predictable. As in earlier party crackups — 1854, 1932, 1968 — the demise has involved not a single, sudden explosion but a gradual unraveling followed by a sharp and rapid deterioration amid major national calamities. If Bush and the Republican majority in Congress accelerated the demise of Ronald Reagan's political era with their assault on traditional American values and institutions — including the rule of law itself — it is a decline that began two decades ago.

A few examples serve to place recent events in historical perspective. In 1848, the Whig Party, which had emerged more than a decade earlier to oppose the Democrats of Andrew Jackson, captured the presidency for the second time in its history and consolidated what looked like a formidable, nationwide political base. Yet differences over slavery and territorial expansion had always hampered party unity, and in 1854, amid the sectional warfare caused by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the Whigs ceased to be a national force, replaced by the anti-slavery Republican Party as the nation lurched toward the Civil War.

Three generations later, in 1928, the Republicans, although the dominant party, were battered by scandals and old battles between conservative party regulars and self-styled progressives. GOP power brokers wisely chose as their presidential nominee Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover, whose engineering projects and disaster-relief efforts had earned admiration across party lines. Hoover crushed his Democratic opponent, Al Smith, in what looked like the culmination of the party's growth since the Civil War. Four years later, though, following the stock-market crash of October 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression, the Republicans went to pieces — and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, after burying Hoover in a landslide, inaugurated the New Deal.

In 1964, the Texas liberal Democrat Lyndon Johnson wiped out the right-wing hero Barry Goldwater and ushered in a true working majority of Democratic reformers in Congress. Political commentators hailed a second birth of New Deal liberalism, and some experts even wondered if the Republicans would soon go the way of the Whigs. Yet the Democrats had long been battling among themselves over civil rights issues, and Johnson's signing of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 triggered the defection of the once solidly Democratic South. A mere four years after Johnson's outsize triumph, Democratic infighting over his escalation of the war in Vietnam, as well as over racial turmoil in the nation's cities, paved the way for Richard Nixon's election. The breakdown of the Democrats, coupled with Nixon's downfall in 1974 in the Watergate scandal, blew the ideological center out of American politics and cleared the way for the conservative age of Ronald Reagan — the age only now beginning to come to an end.

The decay of Reagan Republicanism dates to 1988, Reagan's final year in office. With no clear-cut successor from the right on the horizon, the party chose Reagan's dutiful vice president, George H.W. Bush. A scion of the old GOP establishment, the son of a U.S. senator from Connecticut who was a Wall Street banker and golfing partner of President Dwight Eisenhower, Bush had shifted both rightward and southwesterly over the years. Although he was never able to forge a convincing political identity as a Connecticut Yankee in Texas, as president he dealt with the enormous federal deficits left over from Reagan's "supply-side" stewardship. In 1990, he finally broke his "no new taxes" vow — thereby earning the enduring contempt of the Republican right. The quirky but effective third-party candidacy of Ross Perot in 1992 was a sure sign that Bush had lost touch with the GOP's anti-government base, and his inability to cope with a recession tolled his end.

Bill Clinton's victory over both Bush and Perot seemed to spell a revival of center-left liberalism in a new form. But during his first two years in office, Clinton's missteps and defeats, coupled with the self-destructive fracturing of the Democratic Congress, handed the Republicans an opportunity to regroup. Their recapture of the House for the first time in 40 years — by forging their "Contract With America" during the midterm elections in 1994 — seemed to portend that Clinton, like his predecessor, would be a one-term president. Yet the brash ideological leadership of the new House speaker, Newt Gingrich, foreshadowed the GOP's turn to the far right and further hastened the unraveling of the conservative ascendancy. Clinton outfoxed Gingrich in battles over the federal budget and held the line against GOP demands to slash Medicare and cut taxes, and most of the public blamed Congress for the partisan bickering in Washington. In 1996, only two years after Democrats had been repudiated at the polls, Clinton won re-election with an increased plurality, marking the first time a Democrat had won two presidential terms since Franklin Roosevelt in 1936.

The outcome incited congressional Republicans to a fury, and conservative leaders even more doctrinaire than Gingrich — including House Majority Leader Dick Armey and Majority Whip Tom DeLay — took advantage of the anger to hijack the party. In 1998, after a network of right-wing operatives discovered Clinton's sexual trysts with the young White House intern Monica Lewinsky, the congressional right-wingers forced Clinton's impeachment. But public backlash over the impeachment drive contributed to Gingrich's downfall as speaker and Clinton's acquittal in the Senate. With Clinton's popularity soaring and his troubles behind him amid peace and prosperity, it looked as if 2000 would bring a solid Democratic victory.

But nothing went right for the Democrats. Their nominee, Vice President Al Gore, believed that the Lewinsky scandal had made Clinton a liability and distanced himself from the very administration he had served so ably. Rather than building on the legacy of the previous eight years, Gore embraced the bogus idea of "Clinton fatigue," signaled by his naming Joe Lieberman, the sanctimonious Clinton critic, as his running mate. The left wing of the party backed the protest candidacy of Ralph Nader, and the Republican candidate, George W. Bush, ran as a "compassionate conservative" who would uphold the kinder, gentler mode of his father as a kind of Clinton-lite. The press, following its dismal performance as mouthpiece for impeachment prosecutor Ken Starr, gave credence to a string of pseudoscandals about Gore, tarnishing his integrity and casting him as a privileged, self-regarding dissembler. Nader's nihilistic campaign to destroy Gore won him enough votes to throw New Hampshire to Bush, and the election ultimately turned on the razor-thin margin in Florida. The conservative majority on the Supreme Court, including four Reagan-era appointees (and the man Ronald Reagan had named chief justice, William Rehnquist), finally intervened, stopping the recount ordered by the Florida Supreme Court, and made Bush president.

Clinton's precarious center-left alliance did not hold. With Bush's court-engineered victory, the conservative ascendancy entered a new and even more radical phase. But that phase would prove to be its last.

George w. Bush was easilyunderestimated by the press and his Democratic opponent. When he entered the White House, he looked like the luckiest political leader on the face of the earth. A man whose early efforts in business and politics had failed, Bush had persevered thanks to well-connected family and friends who repeatedly saved him from his failures and gave him his chance to make a fortune when he sold his financial interest in the Texas Rangers baseball team. In 1994, Bush won his first of two terms as governor of Texas — a high-profile job with, as stipulated in the state's constitution, undemanding day-to-day authority. Having learned the nastier arts of politics while helping out in his father's national campaigns and apprenticing with the ferocious Republican operative Lee Atwater, Bush formed an alliance with one of the greatest political tacticians in the country — Karl Rove, another Atwater disciple. After Sen. Robert Dole lost his presidential bid in 1996 — and with Rove pulling strings in the background — Bush emerged as a top candidate for the 2000 nomination.

Bush's family connections, once again, proved invaluable. For nearly half a century, from 1952 to 1996 — except for 1964, the year of Barry Goldwater — the Republican Party's national ticket included a Nixon, a Bush or a Dole. Through thick and thin, the party's top leadership had retained a coherence that was familial as well as political. And when Ronald Reagan transformed the party in 1980, he wisely did not uproot its establishment, as the Goldwaterites had tried to do in 1964, but rather absorbed it into his grand new coalition by naming George H.W. Bush as his running mate. Twenty years later, another Bush was waiting in the wings.

Although born in Connecticut and schooled at Yale and Harvard Business, the younger Bush had successfully assimilated himself to Texas business and political culture as his father had never managed. The black sheep of the family, Bush also, at the age of 40, took Jesus Christ as his personal savior. That conversion, he said, freed him from a well-documented addiction to drink. It also brought him into much closer connection with the right-wing evangelical base that Reagan had brought into the Republican Party and with which Bush senior never forged a convincing bond.

The younger Bush perfectly embodied a new melding of the Republican right and the GOP establishment, a process essential to the success of the conservative ascendancy since 1980. The only other serious challenger for the nomination was neither a son of the party establishment nor a Reaganite ideologue: Sen. John McCain. A hero of the Vietnam War (a conflict from which Bush had escaped by serving in the Texas Air National Guard), McCain married a wealthy second wife and made his political home in Arizona, where being a conservative and a maverick fit the Goldwater tradition. His independent stands on campaign-finance reform, regulation of the tobacco industry and health care irked the party's leadership but gained him favor inside the news media.

Read the entire story in the new issue of Rolling Stone, on stands August 22, 2008

Aug 26, 11:17 AM EDT

Dems, networks struggle over convention coverage


NEW YORK (AP) -- National political conventions have become, in NBC's Brian Williams' words, "four-day infomercials." But it's not always clear the message is getting through.

The tension between convention planners and television news organizations who don't want to be seen as doing the politicians' bidding was obvious Monday during the first night of the Democratic meeting that will nominate Illinois Sen. Barack Obama for president.

When House Speaker Nancy Pelosi was addressing the convention, drawing a contrast between Obama and Republican Sen. John McCain of Arizona, Fox News Channel's Bill O'Reilly was in a booth far above the delegates interviewing a pollster. O'Reilly waved in the direction of Pelosi on stage with a dismissive hand.

"Now we have Nancy Pelosi bloviating, and I say that in an affectionate way, behind us," O'Reilly said. "It doesn't seem like the crowd is on the edge of their seats."

Fox's viewers weren't allowed to judge for themselves. Same thing for CNN at the time, where Wolf Blitzer was holding court as Pelosi talked. Among the cable news networks, only MSNBC gave Pelosi's speech any real attention.

Three hours later, as CNN analysts were wrapping up the night, several talked about the absence of "red meat" attacks on the Republicans. But Democratic activist Hillary Rosen noted that Pelosi was doing some of that - only CNN wasn't really listening.

CBS was showing Katie Couric and Jeff Greenfield talking when Craig Robinson was onstage speaking about his sister, Michelle Obama. During a Jimmy Carter tribute, Fox was showing films of demonstrators outside the convention hall. There was little time spent on Missouri Sen. Claire McCaskill.

On a night Obama's team clearly had set aside for assuring American voters that if they got to know the nation's first black major party-nominee better they would see similarities to themselves, most of the networks didn't bother listening to Obama's half-sister.

Several things may explain it. The networks paid to send much of their political talent to Denver, and want to show them off. They fear political speeches may turn off an audience that has, essentially, tuned in for political speeches. And they don't want to be sucked into an infomercial.

Viewers who want that message unfiltered were better off watching PBS or C-SPAN, which carried most of the action from the podium.

When the evening ended following Michelle O'Bama's speech about her husband, and some cute family unity with Barack Obama seen via satellite, commentators on both CNN and Fox judged that too little had happened on the first night.

"I thought it was a beautiful speech, beautifully done," said Fox's Chris Wallace. "But I can't help but feel after the first night of the convention that it was largely a wasted night."

Democratic strategist James Carville was mad that there weren't many attacks on McCain.

"They did a poor job explaining what the choices are," added CNN's David Gergen.

His colleague, John King, said that wasn't necessarily what Democrats were trying to do on the first night. "They are trying to race across the viability threshold before the Republicans can say that this man is not ready to be president," he said.

The action seemed better suited Monday for the broadcast networks. ABC, CBS and NBC are each devoting an hour each night to the convention coverage. They had originally mapped out an hour of prime-time for three of the four nights of the convention - as they all did four years ago. But strong interest in the campaign pushed the networks to add a fourth hour.

The slow moments earlier in the evening - so deadly to the cable pundits who craved more amusement - suited ABC, CBS and NBC perfectly. It enabled them to offer highlights of Sen. Edward Kennedy's emotional speech during the first half hour of their broadcasts, then segue directly into Michelle Obama's speech.

By 11 p.m. ET, the Obamas were gone.

Hillary Clinton speaks at the Sheraton Hotel in Denver on Monday, the day before her convention speech.

By Ken Papaleo, AP

Unity by evening? Denver awaits Clinton

DENVER — As people continued talking about the emotional surprise appearance by ailing Massachusetts Sen. Edward Kennedy and Michelle Obama's turn on center stage, the focus at the Democratic National Convention shifted on Tuesday to Hillary Rodham Clinton's prime-time speech and whether the party could unify its primary-season divide.

That could prove a contentious issue throughout the day as Clinton and Barack Obama's camps ironed out the nomination process and whether, or how many, votes would be cast for the defeated New York senator.

Clinton has urged her supporters to fall in line behind Obama, who is slowly marching across the country before making his acceptance speech in Denver on Thursday. But Clinton has said that the people who voted for her during the convention should have their voices heard and be able to cast their votes.

"There is no doubt in anyone's mind that this is Barack Obama's convention," Clinton told reporters. And yet, she said, some of her delegates "feel an obligation to the people who sent them here" and would vote for her.

In one scenario, Clinton herself would cut off the voting and urge the unanimous nomination of Obama, according to Democratic officials involved in the negotiations. They discussed the deal with the Associated Press on condition of anonymity while final details were being worked out.

But some Clinton delegates said they were not interested in a compromise, raising the prospect of floor demonstrations that would underscore the split between Obama and Clinton Democrats.

"I don't care what she says," said Mary Boergers, a Maryland delegate who wants to cast a vote for Clinton.

San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom told USA TODAY that the Clinton-Obama divide is tangible at every level of the campaign. Newsom harkened back to Obama's message that there are no red states and blue states signifying Republican and Democratic states, but the United States of America.

"Yet here we are as a party and we need to be reminded that we're not Clinton groups or Barack groups," Newsom said Tuesday morning. "There's still that friction."

John McCain's campaign tried to capitalize on that division by releasing a new ad that highlights Clinton's own words during the primary season questioning Obama's ability to handle that perilous 3 a.m. phone call.

The McCain ad played off her primary campaign spot featuring sleeping children and a phone call portending a crisis. In the new ad Clinton is shown saying: "I know Sen. McCain has a lifetime of experience that he will bring to the White House. And, Sen. Obama has a speech he gave in 2002."

A narrator adds: "Hillary's right. John McCain for president."

Meanwhile, Denver authorities were busy early Tuesday processing about 100 people who were arrested when police officers and protesters clashed about a mile from the site of the Democratic National Convention.

The confrontation erupted Monday night as police in riot gear tried to disperse a crowd of about 300 people that was disrupting traffic near the Denver City and County Building.

Police said they were forced to use pepper spray when members of the crowd, some carrying rocks, rushed a police safety line. But one protester said officers charged the protesters with no warning.

Contributing: Alan Gomez, the Associated Press

Michelle Obama Brings Heart To DNC Opener

Listen Now [5 min 4 sec] add to playlist

Michelle Obama
Teshima Walker, NPR

An overflow crowd watches Michelle Obama, wife of Democratic Presidential candidate Barack Obama, address the Democratic National Convention in Denver on August 25, 2008.

Tell Me More, August 26, 2008 · This week, host Michel Martin is covering the Democratic National Convention in Denver, and she's bringing listeners the latest political news, Tell Me More style.

Martin and guest host Cheryl Corley discuss the previous day's highlights, including Michelle Obama's emotional address and expectations for tonight's Hillary Clinton's speech tonight.

Transcript: Michelle Obama's Convention Speech

NPR.org, August 25, 2008 ·

In these prepared remarks provided by the campaign, Michelle Obama talks about her personal story of growing up on the South Side of Chicago and giving up a corporate law job for public service. She discusses her marriage with Barack Obama and their commitment to their children — and, in particular, highlights the Obamas' commitment to working families.

As you might imagine, for Barack, running for president is nothing compared to that first game of basketball with my brother, Craig.

I can't tell you how much it means to have Craig and my mom here tonight. Like Craig, I can feel my dad looking down on us, just as I've felt his presence in every grace-filled moment of my life.

At 6-foot-6, I've often felt like Craig was looking down on me too … literally. But the truth is, both when we were kids and today, he wasn't looking down on me. He was watching over me.

And he's been there for me every step of the way since that clear February day 19 months ago, when — with little more than our faith in each other and a hunger for change — we joined my husband, Barack Obama, on the improbable journey that's brought us to this moment.

But each of us also comes here tonight by way of our own improbable journey.

I come here tonight as a sister, blessed with a brother who is my mentor, my protector and my lifelong friend.

I come here as a wife who loves my husband and believes he will be an extraordinary president.

I come here as a mom whose girls are the heart of my heart and the center of my world — they're the first thing I think about when I wake up in the morning, and the last thing I think about when I go to bed at night. Their future — and all our children's future — is my stake in this election.

And I come here as a daughter — raised on the South Side of Chicago by a father who was a blue-collar city worker and a mother who stayed at home with my brother and me. My mother's love has always been a sustaining force for our family, and one of my greatest joys is seeing her integrity, her compassion and her intelligence reflected in my own daughters.

My dad was our rock. Although he was diagnosed with multiple sclerosis in his early 30s, he was our provider, our champion, our hero. As he got sicker, it got harder for him to walk, it took him longer to get dressed in the morning. But if he was in pain, he never let on. He never stopped smiling and laughing — even while struggling to button his shirt, even while using two canes to get himself across the room to give my mom a kiss. He just woke up a little earlier and worked a little harder.

He and my mom poured everything they had into me and Craig. It was the greatest gift a child can receive: never doubting for a single minute that you're loved, and cherished, and have a place in this world. And thanks to their faith and hard work, we both were able to go on to college. So I know firsthand from their lives — and mine — that the American dream endures.

And you know, what struck me when I first met Barack was that even though he had this funny name, even though he'd grown up all the way across the continent in Hawaii, his family was so much like mine. He was raised by grandparents who were working-class folks just like my parents, and by a single mother who struggled to pay the bills just like we did. Like my family, they scrimped and saved so that he could have opportunities they never had themselves. And Barack and I were raised with so many of the same values: that you work hard for what you want in life; that your word is your bond and you do what you say you're going to do; that you treat people with dignity and respect, even if you don't know them, and even if you don't agree with them.

And Barack and I set out to build lives guided by these values, and pass them on to the next generation. Because we want our children — and all children in this nation — to know that the only limit to the height of your achievements is the reach of your dreams and your willingness to work for them.

And as our friendship grew, and I learned more about Barack, he introduced me to the work he'd done when he first moved to Chicago after college. Instead of heading to Wall Street, Barack had gone to work in neighborhoods devastated when steel plants shut down and jobs dried up. And he'd been invited back to speak to people from those neighborhoods about how to rebuild their community.

The people gathered together that day were ordinary folks doing the best they could to build a good life. They were parents living paycheck to paycheck; grandparents trying to get by on a fixed income; men frustrated that they couldn't support their families after their jobs disappeared. Those folks weren't asking for a handout or a shortcut. They were ready to work — they wanted to contribute. They believed — like you and I believe — that America should be a place where you can make it if you try.

Barack stood up that day, and spoke words that have stayed with me ever since. He talked about "The world as it is" and "The world as it should be." And he said that all too often, we accept the distance between the two, and settle for the world as it is — even when it doesn't reflect our values and aspirations. But he reminded us that we know what our world should look like. We know what fairness and justice and opportunity look like. And he urged us to believe in ourselves — to find the strength within ourselves to strive for the world as it should be. And isn't that the great American story?

It's the story of men and women gathered in churches and union halls, in town squares and high school gyms — people who stood up and marched and risked everything they had — refusing to settle, determined to mold our future into the shape of our ideals.

It is because of their will and determination that this week, we celebrate two anniversaries: the 88th anniversary of women winning the right to vote, and the 45th anniversary of that hot summer day when [Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.] lifted our sights and our hearts with his dream for our nation.

I stand here today at the crosscurrents of that history — knowing that my piece of the American dream is a blessing hard won by those who came before me. All of them driven by the same conviction that drove my dad to get up an hour early each day to painstakingly dress himself for work. The same conviction that drives the men and women I've met all across this country:

People who work the day shift, kiss their kids goodnight, and head out for the night shift — without disappointment, without regret — that goodnight kiss a reminder of everything they're working for.

The military families who say grace each night with an empty seat at the table. The servicemen and women who love this country so much, they leave those they love most to defend it.

The young people across America serving our communities — teaching children, cleaning up neighborhoods, caring for the least among us each and every day.

People like Hillary Clinton, who put those 18 million cracks in the glass ceiling, so that our daughters — and sons — can dream a little bigger and aim a little higher.

People like Joe Biden, who's never forgotten where he came from and never stopped fighting for folks who work long hours and face long odds and need someone on their side again.

All of us driven by a simple belief that the world as it is just won't do — that we have an obligation to fight for the world as it should be.

That is the thread that connects our hearts. That is the thread that runs through my journey and Barack's journey and so many other improbable journeys that have brought us here tonight, where the current of history meets this new tide of hope.

That is why I love this country.

And in my own life, in my own small way, I've tried to give back to this country that has given me so much. That's why I left a job at a law firm for a career in public service, working to empower young people to volunteer in their communities. Because I believe that each of us — no matter what our age or background or walk of life — each of us has something to contribute to the life of this nation.

It's a belief Barack shares — a belief at the heart of his life's work.

It's what he did all those years ago, on the streets of Chicago, setting up job training to get people back to work and after-school programs to keep kids safe — working block by block to help people lift up their families.

It's what he did in the Illinois Senate, moving people from welfare to jobs, passing tax cuts for hard-working families, and making sure women get equal pay for equal work.

It's what he's done in the United States Senate, fighting to ensure the men and women who serve this country are welcomed home not just with medals and parades but with good jobs and benefits and health care — including mental health care.

That's why he's running — to end the war in Iraq responsibly, to build an economy that lifts every family, to make health care available for every American, and to make sure every child in this nation gets a world class education all the way from preschool to college. That's what Barack Obama will do as president of the United States of America.

He'll achieve these goals the same way he always has — by bringing us together and reminding us how much we share and how alike we really are. You see, Barack doesn't care where you're from, or what your background is, or what party — if any — you belong to. That's not how he sees the world. He knows that thread that connects us — our belief in America's promise, our commitment to our children's future — is strong enough to hold us together as one nation even when we disagree.

It was strong enough to bring hope to those neighborhoods in Chicago.

It was strong enough to bring hope to the mother he met worried about her child in Iraq; hope to the man who's unemployed, but can't afford gas to find a job; hope to the student working nights to pay for her sister's health care, sleeping just a few hours a day.

And it was strong enough to bring hope to people who came out on a cold Iowa night and became the first voices in this chorus for change that's been echoed by millions of Americans from every corner of this nation.

Millions of Americans who know that Barack understands their dreams; that Barack will fight for people like them; and that Barack will finally bring the change we need.

And in the end, after all that's happened these past 19 months, the Barack Obama I know today is the same man I fell in love with 19 years ago. He's the same man who drove me and our new baby daughter home from the hospital 10 years ago this summer, inching along at a snail's pace, peering anxiously at us in the rearview mirror, feeling the whole weight of her future in his hands, determined to give her everything he'd struggled so hard for himself, determined to give her what he never had: the affirming embrace of a father's love.

And as I tuck that little girl and her little sister into bed at night, I think about how one day, they'll have families of their own. And one day, they — and your sons and daughters — will tell their own children about what we did together in this election. They'll tell them how this time, we listened to our hopes, instead of our fears. How this time, we decided to stop doubting and to start dreaming. How this time, in this great country — where a girl from the South Side of Chicago can go to college and law school, and the son of a single mother from Hawaii can go all the way to the White House – we committed ourselves to building the world as it should be.

So tonight, in honor of my father's memory and my daughters' future — out of gratitude to those whose triumphs we mark this week, and those whose everyday sacrifices have brought us to this moment — let us devote ourselves to finishing their work; let us work together to fulfill their hopes; and let us stand together to elect Barack Obama president of the United States of America.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.

Monday, August 25, 2008

DAVENPORT, IA - AUGUST 25: Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Barack Obama greets people during a campaign event at the Mississippi Valley Fairgrounds August 25, 2008 in Davenport, Iowa. The Democratic National Convention kicks off in Denver today where Obama will be nominated by his party for president. Getty Images

(Political Animal) ALL NEWS IS GOOD NEWS FOR MCCAIN.... It's difficult to identify with any real certainty the single worst political analysis of the presidential campaign, but if you missed ABC News' "This Week" yesterday, you missed Time's Mark Halperin offering analysis that was so bizarre, it was tempting to think it was intended as satire. Only in this case, Halperin was serious.










For those of you who can't watch clips online, the roundtable discussion turned to the story about John McCain having so many homes, he can't remember how many he currently owns. "My hunch is this is going to end up being one of the worst moments in the entire campaign for one of the candidates, but it's Barack Obama," Halperin argued, adding, "I believe that this opened the door to not just Tony Rezko in that ad, but to bring up Reverend Wright, to bring up his relationship with Bill Ayers."

It was so odd, host George Stephanopoulos said, on the air, "I'm having a little trouble following your argument." Stephanopoulos wasn't the only one.

Pressed on the notion that McCain, who's run a relentlessly negative campaign in recent months, was going to go after Rezko, Wright, and Ayers anyway, Halperin, who apparently has been watching a presidential race in a parallel universe, insisted, "I think it would have been hard for John McCain, given the way he says he's going to run his campaign, to do all this stuff without the door being opened."

Really? Because McCain and his campaign have been attacking Obama's character, integrity, and patriotism pretty much non-stop for months, and no one "opened the door" to make that happen. Indeed, McCain didn't even need a nudge to be relentlessly negative -- as Kevin explained, McCain hired Karl Rove's team to run his campaign operation for a reason.

Ultimately, the biggest problem with Halperin's mind-numbing commentary is the underlying strategic message it offers Obama: If McCain makes a humiliating mistake, don't say anything. If you do, you'll get smeared and you'll deserve it. Even if McCain accuses you of treason, don't fight back. It'll only empower McCain to take the campaign even further into the gutter.

Josh Marshall added, "It's a very tough standard, but I think this may be the stupidest thing Halperin has ever said. (Yes, I know, I know...) The McCain folks must be both loving and laughing at the guy at the same time."

I suppose it's possible we'll see worse political analysis at some point this year, but after watching Halperin yesterday, it's hard to imagine what it would be.



Linda Spillers / For The Times
EARLY WARNING: Chris Swecker in 2005. In charge of criminal probes for the FBI, he believed the agency would prevent upheaval in the mortgage industry.
From the Los Angeles Times

FBI saw threat of mortgage crisis

A top official warned of widening loan fraud in 2004, but the agency focused its resources elsewhere.

By Richard B. Schmitt
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer

August 25, 2008

WASHINGTON — Long before the mortgage crisis began rocking Main Street and Wall Street, a top FBI official made a chilling, if little-noticed, prediction: The booming mortgage business, fueled by low interest rates and soaring home values, was starting to attract shady operators and billions in losses were possible.

"It has the potential to be an epidemic," Chris Swecker, the FBI official in charge of criminal investigations, told reporters in September 2004. But, he added reassuringly, the FBI was on the case. "We think we can prevent a problem that could have as much impact as the S&L crisis," he said.

Today, the damage from the global mortgage meltdown has more than matched that of the savings-and-loan bailouts of the 1980s and early 1990s. By some estimates, it has made that costly debacle look like chump change. But it's also clear that the FBI failed to avert a problem it had accurately forecast.

Banks and brokerages have written down more than $300 billion of mortgage-backed securities and other risky investments in the last year or so as homeowner defaults leaped and weakness in the real estate market spread.

In California alone, lenders have foreclosed on $100 billion worth of homes over the last two years and are foreclosing at a rate of 1,300 houses every business day, according to a recent report from ForeclosureRadar.com.

Most observers have declared the mess a gross failure of regulation. To be sure, in the run-up to the crisis, market-oriented federal regulators bragged about their hands-off treatment of banks and other savings institutions and their executives. But it wasn't just regulators who were looking the other way. The FBI and its parent agency, the Justice Department, are supposed to act as the cops on the beat for potentially illegal activities by bankers and others. But they were focused on national security and other priorities, and paid scant attention to white-collar crimes that may have contributed to the lending and securities debacle.

Now that the problems are out in the open, the government's response strikes some veteran regulators as too little, too late.

Swecker, who retired from the FBI in 2006, declined to comment for this article.

But sources familiar with the FBI budget process, who were not authorized to speak publicly about the growing fraud problem, say that he and other FBI criminal investigators sought additional assistance to take on the mortgage scoundrels.

They ended up with fewer resources, rather than more.

In 2007, the number of agents pursuing mortgage fraud shrank to around 100. By comparison, the FBI had about 1,000 agents deployed on banking fraud during the S&L bust of the 1980s and '90s, said Anthony Adamski, who oversaw financial crime investigations for the FBI at the time.

The FBI says it now has about 200 agents working on mortgage fraud, but critics say the agency might have averted much of the problem had it heeded its own warning.

"The FBI correctly diagnosed that mortgage fraud was epidemic, but it did not come close to meeting its announced goal," said William K. Black, who was a federal regulator during the S&L crisis and now teaches economics and law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City.

"It used everyday procedures and woefully inadequate resources to deal with an epidemic," he said. "The approach was certain to bring symbolic prosecutions and strategic defeat."

The mortgage debacle has laid bare a system marked by dubious practices at every stage of the process. Lenders often made loans to borrowers who had limited ability to repay them but little desire to pass up the dream of homeownership. Many loans lacked basic documentation, such as information about borrowers' incomes.

Still, mortgage companies could hardly sell them fast enough, packaging the loans as investment securities and peddling them to eager buyers on Wall Street.

The FBI defends its handling of the crisis, with officials contending that as home prices were rising several years ago, the trouble brewing in the mortgage market -- and the potential crimes behind it -- was not immediately apparent.

Officials said they began approaching mortgage companies and others in an attempt to raise awareness about the growing fraud problem. But the lenders had little incentive to cooperate because they were continuing to make money. Black says that in many cases, they were part of the fraud.

"Nobody wanted to listen," Sharon Ormsby, the chief of the FBI's financial crimes section, said in an interview. "We were dealing with the issue as best we could back then."

Over the last three years, the FBI and other agencies have brought dozens of mortgage-fraud cases. The bureau has rooted out foreclosure rescue schemes in which homeowners are tricked into signing over the deeds to their homes to operators who buried the properties even deeper in debt. Agents have disrupted cases of identity theft in which criminals open -- and exhaust -- home equity lines of credit and leave homeowners stuck with the bill.

Many of the cases have been relatively small, however, with about half the investigations involving losses of less than $1 million -- the size of two or three loans.

But the tepid response also reflects a broad realignment of law-enforcement priorities at the Justice Department in which mortgage fraud and other white-collar crimes have been subordinated to other Bush administration priorities.

That has reflected, in part, the ramp-up in national security and terrorism investigations after the Sept. 11 attacks. But the administration has also put more support behind efforts against illegal immigration and child pornography.

In a way, the mortgage debacle could not have come onto the FBI radar screen at a worse time. Just as Swecker was making his doomsday forecast, the FBI, under pressure from Congress and the White House, was creating a crime-fighting brain drain, transferring hundreds of agents from its criminal investigations unit into its anti-terrorism program. About 2,500 agents doing criminal work -- 20% or so of the entire force -- were affected.

Even as the number of new white-collar cases started declining, the Justice Department did pursue some high-profile corporate prosecutions, such as those arising from the collapse of Enron Corp. But some former prosecutors question the administration's current commitment to pursuing complex, high-stakes cases.

"I think most sitting U.S. attorneys now staring at the subprime crisis find scant resources available to pursue sophisticated financial crimes," said John C. Hueston, a Los Angeles lawyer who was a lead federal prosecutor in the trials of Enron executives Kenneth L. Lay and Jeffrey K. Skilling.

Absent a major shift in priorities and resources, he said, it is likely that the Justice Department and the FBI will continue on their current path of focusing on simple cases "that don't go to the heart of the problem."

The FBI says it has 21 open investigations into possible large-scale fraud related to the subprime meltdown. The Times reported last month that a federal grand jury in Los Angeles had subpoenaed records from three large California lenders: Countrywide Financial Corp. (now part of Bank of America Corp.), New Century Financial Corp. and IndyMac Federal Bank.

Among other possible targets, the FBI has said, are investment firms that sold billions in securities backed by shaky subprime mortgages and credit rating agencies that gave high marks to the now-worthless securities and failed to protect investors.

But it may be hard to jump-start such probes. Trying to prove that a major mortgage company intended to defraud buyers of its securities, for example, could take years of digging into records and testimony.

Moreover, some of those involved may have special legal protection: Credit rating firms have in other cases successfully asserted that their opinions about the values of securities are protected by the 1st Amendment.

"I am happy to have investigations going on, but these investigations should have taken place years ago," said Blair A. Nicholas, a San Diego lawyer representing investors who lost money in the collapse of several subprime mortgage lenders. "They seem to always get involved after the horse has left the barn. It is always cleaning up the mess rather than being proactive."

Could the crisis have been averted, or at least mitigated, if the FBI had intervened more forcefully?

"Until there is a catastrophic loss, there is no incentive to investigate criminal conduct," said Cynthia Monaco, a former federal prosecutor in New York. "Nor are there people coming forward with evidence" such as angry investors or whistle-blowing corporate employees, she said.

Even now, Monaco added, it is far from clear whether the damage -- suffered by investors and homeowners alike -- was the product of clear-cut fraud.

Ormsby says the FBI is more actively working with other federal investigative agencies in the hope they will pick up the slack. The Secret Service, for example, in a departure from its traditional missions of protecting presidents and heads of state and investigating counterfeiting, has assigned more than 100 agents to examine mortgage fraud, said spokesman Edwin Donovan.

The Justice Department is also starting to mobilize. The department offered what it described as a "basic seminar" on mortgage fraud cases to about 100 prosecutors last week at its national training academy in South Carolina.

rick.schmitt@latimes.com