With Friends Like These — What the Public Option IS
By: edgery Thursday September 3, 2009 10:25 amWhen even liberal/progressive friends start describing the public option as just meaning “guaranteed benefits,” you know the tide has turned and you’re about to get very wet. So, to pre-empt that load of who-hah and get ready to respond to President Obama's Monday picnic speech, let’s be very clear.
The public option is NOT the same as some undefined “guaranteed benefits.” It is also not an “option” for hundreds of thousands of people if individual mandates are included in the final bill.
Health care reform + individual mandates - public option = massive FAIL
The “public option” is shorthand for a public health insurance program that competes directly with private health insurance companies, provides quality coverage, is open to all, and pools the risk wiithout demanding a profit margin acquired through denial of coverage or claims.
No public health care coverage has to mean no individual mandates, which means no universality. No universality means no effective curb on costs. No effective curb on costs means no real health care reform.
Individual mandates without public health care coverage is just a big fat bonus check for the insurance companies and Pharma.
And a big fat failure of epic proportions for this Congress and this President.
Just to be clear about what we are fighting for...
By E.J. Dionne Jr.
Thursday, September 3, 2009
Health-care reform is said to be in trouble partly because of those raucous August town-hall meetings in which Democratic members of Congress were besieged by shouters opposed to change.
But what if our media-created impression of the meetings is wrong? What if the highly publicized screamers represented only a fraction of public opinion? What if most of the town halls were populated by citizens who respectfully but firmly expressed a mixture of support, concern and doubt?
There is an overwhelming case that the electronic media went out of their way to cover the noise and ignored the calmer (and from television's point of view "boring") encounters between elected representatives and their constituents.
It's also clear that the anger that got so much attention largely reflects a fringe right-wing view opposed to all sorts of government programs most Americans support. Much as the far left of the antiwar movement commanded wide coverage during the Vietnam years, so now are extremists on the right hogging the media stage -- with the media's complicity.
Over the past week, I've spoken with Democratic House members, most from highly contested districts, about what happened in their town halls. None would deny polls showing that the health-reform cause lost ground last month, but little of the probing civility that characterized so many of their forums was ever seen on television.
"I think the media coverage has done a disservice by falling for a trick that you'd think experienced media hands wouldn't fall for: of allowing loud voices to distort the debate," said Rep. Mary Jo Kilroy, whose district includes Columbus, Ohio.
At her town halls, she said, "I got serious questions, I got hostile questions, I got questions about how this would work, I got questions about how much it will cost. I also got a lot of comments from people who said it's important for their families and businesses to get health-care reform."
Rep. Frank Kratovil hails from a very conservative district that includes Maryland's Eastern Shore and says it didn't bother him that he was hung in effigy in July by a right-wing group. "As a former prosecutor, I consider that to be mild," he said with a chuckle. The episode, he added, was not at all typical of his town-hall meetings, where "most of the people were there to express legitimate concerns about the bill, wondering about how it was going to impact them" and wanting "to know the truth about some of the things that were being said about the bill."
The most disturbing account came from Rep. David Price of North Carolina, who spoke with a stringer for one of the television networks at a large town-hall meeting he held in Durham.
The stringer said he was one of 10 people around the country assigned to watch such encounters. Price said he was told flatly: "Your meeting doesn't get covered unless it blows up." As it happens, the Durham audience was broadly sympathetic to reform efforts. No "news" there.
Rep. Chet Edwards of Texas is one member who did attend gatherings dominated by boisterous opponents of health reform.
At a meeting in Waco, a man asked him what constitutional authority the federal government had to get involved in health care. Edwards replied, "Article One, Section Eight," which empowers Congress to provide for the "general welfare of the United States." Then Edwards asked the man if he opposed "the federal government being involved in Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and children's health care." The man said he was, and the room roared its approval.
"I will wear it as a badge of honor that I was shouted at by people who oppose Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security and children's health," Edwards said. The shouters, he added, did not speak for most of his constituents, but for "the Ron Paul libertarian position that represents 2 to 5 percent of the country."
When I reached Rep. Tom Perriello last week, he divided the crowds at the 17 town halls he had held to that point in his largely rural Virginia district into three groups: conservatives, for whom the health-care battle is "about big government, socialism and all that"; the left, for whom "it's about corporate accountability"; and a "middle" for whom "it's about health care costs" and the problems with their coverage.
But the only citizens who commanded widespread media coverage last month were the right-wingers. And I bet you thought the media were "liberal."
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